Introduction

This Mother’s Day, we celebrate mothers’ contributions to their families and the important role they play in shaping California’s economy. Over the decades, mothers have driven essential industries while disproportionately shouldering caregiving and managing household duties.¹ While mothers play a crucial role in their families and the workforce, they face multiple challenges rooted in gender norms—from work-life balance and wage gaps, to limited participation in high-paying jobs.

The COVID-19 pandemic magnified these challenges. School and child care closures led many mothers, particularly those with younger children, to reduce work hours or leave jobs.²This brief highlights the economic contributions of working mothers in California and the barriers they face to achieving financial security.

Data

All findings in this brief are based on an analysis of the 2019 and 2023 5-Year American Community Survey (ACS) public use microdata, accessed through IPUMS USA. Mothers and fathers are defined as adults ages 18 and older with their own children living in the same household in California. All employment and income data reflect this population.

Key Findings

1. Mother’s Workforce Participation Has Grown, But Gaps Persist

In 2023, 62% of California mothers participated in the labor force, a three-point increase from 2019 (59%). However, mothers are much less likely to participate in the workforce than fathers at 83%—a 21-point gap in 2023.

Figure 1: Mother and Father’s Labor Force Participation Rate in California

Universe: Women and men ages 18 or older with their own children living in their households in California for the years 2019 and 2023.
Source: 2023 5-year American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA,  University of Minnesota.

2. Mothers Are 3x More Likely to Work Part-Time than Fathers

In 2023, 26% of employed mothers in California worked part-time, compared to just 9% of employed fathers. This disparity is especially common among mothers with younger children, often reducing hours due to costly or unavailable child care.³ While some mothers may choose part-time work to care for their families, others are constrained by a lack of support and flexibility. Part-time jobs often lack essential benefits like paid family leave and health insurance, limiting economic mobility and reinforcing gendered labor expectations.⁴

Figure 2: Employed Mothers and Fathers in California by Part-Time and Full-Time Work Status

Universe: Women and men ages 18 or older with their own children living in their households in California for the years 2019 and 2023. Source: 2023 5-year American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA,  University of Minnesota.

3. Most Working Mothers Are in Undervalued Care Sectors

In 2023, almost 1.4 million mothers in California were employed in education, health care, and social assistance. These industries provide essential services but are historically underpaid. Mothers remain underrepresented in higher-paying fields like tech. In fact, only 2% of mothers worked in the information sector. This pattern highlights mothers’ limited access to higher-paying opportunities in high-wage occupations.

Figure 3: Employed Mothers in California by Industry

Universe: Women and men ages 18 or older with their own children living in their households in California for the years 2019 and 2023. 
Source: 2023 5-year American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA,  University of Minnesota.

4. Service Jobs Dominate for Mothers—With Stark Racial Gaps in Access to High-Paying Occupations

The most common occupations for working mothers in California are service-based and among the lowest paid. Nearly 1 in 4 mothers work as personal care aides, food service workers, janitors, or housekeepers—essential jobs to the economy but with limited earnings.⁵ These challenges are not evenly distributed. About 30% of Latina mothers work in service roles—more than twice the rate of white mothers (12%). Meanwhile, white and AAPI mothers are more likely to work in higher-paying professional and STEM fields. For example, 10% of AAPI mothers are employed in computer, engineering, or science occupations, compared to just 1% of Latina mothers—traditionally male-dominated occupations.⁶

Figure 4: Employed Mothers in California by Race, Ethnicity, and Occupation

Universe: Women and men ages 18 or older with their own children living in their households in California for the years 2019 and 2023.
Source: 2023 5-year American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA,  University of Minnesota.

 5. Working Mothers Earn Less Than Fathers Across All Racial and Ethnic Groups

In 2023, the median income for all working mothers was $56,000—$17,000 less than that of working fathers ($73,000). On average, working mothers earn 77 cents for every dollar working fathers earn. These income gaps are even wider by race and ethnicity. For example, White fathers’ earnings are more than double the earnings of working Latina ($40,000) and Black mothers ($57,000).

 

Finding 5: Median Income for Full-Time Working Mothers and Fathers by Race, Ethnicity, and Sex.

Universe: Women and men ages 18 or older with their own children living in their households in California for the years 2019 and 2023.
Source: 2023 5-year American Community Survey microdata from IPUMS USA,  University of Minnesota.

Conclusion

Working mothers play a vital role in their families and in California’s economy. Yet, they face multiple barriers to achieving economic well-being—barriers that are especially steep for Black and Latina mothers, who are overrepresented in low-wage occupations and underrepresented in high-paying fields.

Supporting mothers in the workforce isn’t just about fairness—it’s about inclusive policy that reflects the realities of today’s economy and unlocks every worker’s full potential. With targeted investments in affordable care, flexible work options, and workplace protections, we can help mothers thrive at work and at home—and ensure a future where every California family has the opportunity to succeed.

End Notes

¹ U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Women in the Labor Force: A Databook. Report 1096. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor, 2021, available online.

² Galdámez, Misael, and Gabriella Carmona. All Work and No Pay: Unpaid Latina Care Work During the COVID-19 Pandemic. Los Angeles: UCLA Latino Policy & Politics Institute, September 8, 2022, available online.

³ U.S. Census Bureau. The Choices Working Mothers Make. May 8, 2020,  available online.

⁴ Landivar, Liana Christin, Rose A. Woods, and Gretchen M. Livingston. “Does Part-Time Work Offer Flexibility to Employed Mothers?” Monthly Labor Review, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, March 2022, available online.

⁵ Zhavoronkova, Marina, Rose Khattar, and Mathew Brady. “Occupational Segregation in America.” Center for American Progress, March 29, 2022, available online.

⁶ Fry, Richard, Brian Kennedy, and Cary Funk. “STEM Jobs See Uneven Progress in Increasing Gender, Racial and Ethnic Diversity.” Pew Research Center, April 1, 2021, available online.

Acknowledgments

This data brief is part of a series made possible with the generous support of the James Irvine Foundation.

The author appreciates the insights and guidance provided by Dr. Taner Osman as well as LPPI staff for their valuable feedback—Dr. Silvia R. González, Misael Galdámez, Jie Zong, Yina Marin, Citlali Tejeda, Vivian Vanessa Cruz, and Alberto Lammers.

The Latino Policy and Politics Institute at UCLA acknowledges the Gabrielino/Tongva peoples as the traditional land caretakers of Tovaangar (the Los Angeles basin and Southern Channel Islands). As a land grant institution, we pay our respects to the Honuukvetam (Ancestors), ‘Ahiihirom (Elders), and ‘Eyoohiinkem (our relatives/relations) past, present, and emerging.

About LPPI 

The UCLA Latino Policy and Politics Institute addresses the most critical domestic policy challenges facing Latinos and other communities of color through research, advocacy, mobilization, and leadership development to expand genuine opportunity for all Americans.

Disclaimer

The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the University of California, Los Angeles, as a whole. The authors alone are responsible for the content of this report.